Borana culture
and the system
2014
Borana
Gada
System
This introduction about Borana society is meant to
shade light on their culture and give short insight for those who interested in
this culture. I have summarized the major institutions of Borana with their
duties. Borana- Oromo after their separation from rest of Oromo occupied today
southern part of Ethiopia and northern Kenya. Their egalitarianism society has
impressed most anthropologists, from around the world. Therefore it’s worth
enough to mention, specially their democratic political system the Gadaa
system. Gada system has got eleven classes (luba) with in each level we find
different duties.
Qallu institution with its most high ritual
responsibilities will be discussed.
At last we shall draw conclusion out of what Borana
can contribute for other societies and what kind of threats they are facing
from different neighbor and far distance societies. Today we find that all-African
countries throughout the continent adopting Western “democratic” political
system without any ground root. This as a main cause has led us to
misunderstanding between each other. But now we may turn our face to what has
already been with us for centuries before the arrival of Europeans and ask ourselves
how African societies has managed itself ? And do we find any indigenous
African political system?
Historical
background
The population growth caused congestion in small
areas and imposed strong pressure on resources.
It was then decided that each clan should look for new land out of Madda
Eela Walabu territorial area. The Borana, which is the eldest clan, was
instructed to move towards the south. The Gujii took the portion of the West.
Arsi and most Barentumma group pushed towards the east. The Maccha and Tulaama
Oromos headed towards the west. The expedition was made with retreat. In the
process some of the Oromos were engulfed by other ethnic groups and lost their
language and culture. Thus, they are not known today.
The expansion of the Oromo nation was one of the
great events in the annals of African history comparable in its magnitude to
the expansion of the Zulu nation of southern Africa and the Fulani nation of
West Africa. These are three of the most expansive population movements by
well-organized pastoral societies that have been recorded by historians of
Africa.
According to Waaqqoo Aboo, and as other Oromos also
believe, the Oromo, speaking the Cushitic language, is said to have originated
from a place called Madda Eela Walaabo (spring of Walaabo) in Bale Zone, 35 km
East of Bidre town which is about 95 kms away from Negelle Borana town. At
Madda Walaabo the Oromo, prior to their dispersion, had been ruled by 25
successive abba gadas. That was about 200 years as one-abba gada rules for
eight years. The Borana migration to the present region was led by an abba gada
called Abbay Baabo Oroo. The Borana have been ruled by 43 abba gada since then,
which may be 540 years ago (1449), and this is also confirmed by Borbor Bule
(Golloo Huqqa, 1996).
The Liiban Borana often refers to them as Sarkamtu.
They believe that they are defenders of Borana identity symbolized by the
guutu, a braided tuft of hair on the top of the head. This wore by men from
warrior-hood until the final culmination of buufata at Gadamoji, entry into
retired elder-hood.
A man without cattle is called Qolle guutu hiikhan,
“a destitute whose gutu is unbraided “. Such a person cannot perform his social
obligations, marry or participate in rituals. In effect he loses his identity
as a Borana. A person cannot be Borana by birth alone, since becoming stockless
can deny that identity. Borantiti has a moral dimension of peaceful well-being,
unselfishness and respect for a common law. Violator of these moral standards
are like foreigners, nyaap’a or perpetual enemies, Sidi.
The oral traditions of Borana demonstrate that their
ancestors (at least the majority) were resident in Dirre and Liiban before
arrival of Boran Guutu in the sixteenth century. Boran guutu, a small but
politically and ritually more powerful group, incorporated the clans of Heero
Abba Biiya and only then did the identity of Borana proper as known today,
emerge.
Through trade and intermarriage the Garre gradually
got a foothold in Borana territory and established small settlements. To gain
access to key resources they influenced Borana leaders with gifts, fiina.
The Borana are divided into two moieties, Sabbo and
Gona. Areero Boru Bakkalcha designed this. Also he organized clans and
sub-clans. Everyone is answerable firstly to his-own closest sub-clan in an
ascending order. Sharing of resources and settling disputes starts by the
nearest sub-clans, which eventually proceed to the clan and finally brought to
the attention of the Gumii.
|
Moiety
|
sub moiety
|
clan
|
lineage
|
|
Sabboo
|
Digalu
|
Gobbu and
Emmaji
|
Nurtu,Titti,Udumtu,Walajji,Daddo,
Aaru, Iluu , Moluu, ,garjeda
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Maxxari
|
|
Metta,Gadulla,Doranni,manq
ata,
karara,kuku
|
|
|
Karrayyu
|
Dayyu and Basu
|
Dayyu -
Bokkicha and Kallicha
|
|
|
|
|
Baasuu
- Bido and Goloo
|
|
Goonaa
|
Fullelle
|
Daccitu,
maccitu,galantu,sirayyu,oditu,konnitu and bachitu
|
|
|
|
Haroressa- and arsi
|
Hawaxu,Qarcabdu,warra
jidda,dambitu,nonitu,maliyyu
|
|
There is also a pattern of alliance and mutual
assistance that operates across moieties. This is a bind between specific
lineage or clan is known as sunsuma. When two class or lineage are sunsuma to
each other, they are expected to treat each other with special difference. An
individual is free to use the wells of his sunsuma partners
Below we shall try to look at the major four Borana
institutions, Qallu, Gada system, Gumi Gayyo and the Hariyya.
Qallu
institution
The men who have the ritual power and the
responsibility to organize the election of gada leaders (until 1970’s) are the
heads of the two moieties. These are the two men known as Qallu.
The origin of Qallus was told like this:
Borana clans were once caught in a very bad draught
(bona). The gada classes told the people to wait in their respective camps.
They told them that “muda” will come and that they should not go away in search
of water and pastures, leaving the shrines unprotected, after many weeks
passed, most of the clans began to leave. Only the Daccitu and the Oditu
remained. In the end even the Daccitu left. When the “muda” arrived, they found
only the Oditu at the shrine. One man among them was therefore anointed Qallu.
That is why the Oditu say “obsan qalloman”. That means that those who have the
ability to withstand hardships can become Qallu.
The qallu of the Karrayyu, on the other hand was
simply found on the ground wrapped in cloth (rufa). Nobody knows if he had
human parents. A Waata, a member of the Sakuyye Gedo clan, found him. The Waata
also saw that a girl was sitting beside him. She was a member of the Mattarri
clan, the Metta lineage. The Waata told people that he had seen such children.
The Karrayyu came to see them. They took them home. When they came of age, the
boy and the girl married each other. They became the first qallu and the first
qallitti of the Sabbo. To this day the qallu of the Karrayyu can take his
qallitti only from the Mattarri-Metta clan.
The qallu is the only child his mother is allowed to
raise. If she brings forth daughters, they are given up for adoption.
The qallu of the sabbo comes from the Dayyu clan of
the karrayyu submoiety, and the qallu of the Gona comes from the Oditu clan of
the Fullelle.
The clan affiliation of the Qallitti is also
specified by custom. The wives of the qallu karrayyu can come only from
Mattarri-Metta, and the qallitti of the Oditu can be a member only of the
Digalu-Emmaji. Thus the qallu of the karrayyu is the only Borana who is
allowed, or rather required, to violate Borana rules of exogamy.
“Lallaba” ceremony: - Is in which the qallku
organizes and oversees the election of gada leaders. Every eight years the
qallu are confronted with many candidates seeking office. Furthermore, a large
number of people who are not seeking office, but who wish to express their
support of one or other candidates, also come to the qallu villages, but now
this responsiblility have given to gada institution since 1970’s.
The moiety leaders (qallu), who are the most senior
men in the kinship system, are barred by custom from seeking gada office for
themselves and from trying in any way to influence the political and ritual
activities of the gada councils.
Among the Sabbo it is the mana qallu of Karrayyu as
a whole, i.e. the major lineage (karrayyu-dayyu)- that is barred; whereas in
the Gona moiety, the restriction is imposed on the entire Oditu clan. Both
these groups are admitted into the junior (garba) council. Qallu is barred from
carrying arms and from taking part in any of the activities Borana consider
especially masculine.
The leaders of the Gada and Qallu institutions were
required to avoid each other for the entire term of office of the Gada leaders.
For the duration of the term of office of the gada leaders, Qallu and Abba Gada
do not participate in the same ritual or political activity. There are two
political ceremonies in which they are both physically present: lallaba, where
the newly elected Gada leaders are proclaimed before the nation and the
national assembly where the laws are proclaimed. In both instances the Qallu
say nothing and do nothing: they are there as observers.
In the third event, the Muda, they face each other
and address each other. The Abba Gada pays homage to the Qallu and receives his
blessings. This is the only event when the ritual seniority of the Qallu over
the Abba Gada is made manifest. The political seniority of the Abba Gada over
the Qallu is self-evident in every Gada ritual and political ceremony. The
pattern of avoidance between the elected political leaders (Gada) and the
hereditary ritual leaders (Qallu) is one of the most interesting features of
Oromo democracy.
It sometimes happens that the Qallitti’s son (the
one to inherit) is very young when the old Qallu dies. Then the qallu’s brother
or someone else may lead until the child has reached the right age.
Even though the Qallu office is a hereditary there
are also possibilities to remove them from power.
On the occasion of the total solar eclipse, the
Borana may remove from office any elected, appointed, or hereditary leader-
including the Qallu. When the eclipse is sighted, the Qllu may be held
responsible for the ominous event.
The Abba Gada can be removed from office in middle
of their term (4th year) by national assembly if needs be.
Gada system
A man called Ali Guracha before the establishment of
Gada system for long period led Oromo. They called Ali an Oamora. This system
of being ruled under one leader for long period of time made Oromo more
uncomfortable, as it was leading the way to despotism. With this in
consideration a man called Gadao Galgalo Yayya crated Gada system around 1446.
The Gada system is a system of generation classes
that succeed each other every eight years in assuming political, military,
judicial, legislative and ritual responsibilities. Each one of the eight active
generation classes- beyond the three grades- has its own internal leadership
(Adula hayyus) and its own assembly (ya’a), but the leaders of the class become
the leaders of the nation as a whole when their class comes to power in the
middle of the life course- a stage of life called “gada” among the Borana. The
class in power is headed by an officer known as Abba Gada or Abba Bokku in
different part of the Oromo nation.
The Borana age-sets known as “hariyya” are recruited
on the basis of age, whereas the gada classes known as “luba” are recruited on
the basis of genealogical generations.
We can define the gada class or luba as a segment of
a generation that assumes power for a period of eight years, whereas gada is
the years when the members of the class stay in power as the rulers. Stated
differently, luba is a group of people and gada is the term of office of the
leader of that group, and by extension it is the era during which that leader
and his luba were in power. Each luba is governed by a group of elected
officers called hayyu. The members of the luba have an internal government. The
luba in power allows all the other luba to enjoy a substantial degree of
autonomy and refrains from unduly interfering with their internal disputes and
activities. All conflict within the luba are taken to the council of that luba
only in situations where they are unable to resolve their internal problems are
the cases appealed to higher councils. There are three different bodies to
which they can take their disputes: the Gada assembly (ya’a arbora), the two
moiety councils (ya’a Oditu, ya’a Karrayyu) and the pan- Borana assembly
(Gumi).
There is, however, one rule that makes them sharply
different. The basic rule of the gada system is that the newly born infant boy
always enters the system of grades exactly forty years behind the father,
regardless of the age of the father. Father and son are five grades apart at
all times.
All Borana belong to a “luba”, but a large part of
the population is born into their respective luba too late to take part in the
public gada observances when their luba is charged with this responsibility.
People born into the luba after it has completed its obligation in the gada
cycle are known as ilman jarsaa in distinctionn to the ilman korma, who are
born prior to this point in time.
Those individuals who in this process have been
formally designated to represent their luba are known as hayyu and when they
have completed the gada obligations they are collectively known as the “licho”
of Borana. The licho will gradually build individual reputation as wise men, which
are intimately familiar with the ada-sera Borana, whose words carry weight in
all public assemblies, which may be convened on the basis of the clan or on the
basis of proximity. The licho and the jalldhaba are generally known as abba kae
(fathers of the meeting place) and are collectively supposed to oversee the
welfare of the members of their clans. At the time when the hayyu are selected
to take up the gada obligations, they each appoint a small number of jalldhaba
in consultation with the elders of their clan. Depending on the matter at hand,
however, the meeting may be called on the basis of territory (kora deedaa) or
clan (kora gosaa).
Gada
grades
Grade 1: Daballe
The first grade is named daballe. It is a grade
always occupied by a class of people sharing a common identity by virtue of the
fact that they are all the sons of the gada class who are in power as leaders
of Borana society as a whole.
The dabballe stand out in Borana society because of
their striking hairstyle, known as “gudure”, they will dress like girl and
called also girl (intal). They grow their hair like girls up to shoulder.
They consider the boys to be among the principal
mediator between man and God. The parent is prohibited by custom from ever
punishing them physically.
The mother of dabballe is much respected among
Boranas.
The dabballe have no sisters. All their sisters have
either been abandoned to die soon after birth or they have been given up for
adoption,as prior to 1970’s. Their sisters are raised only after the boys have
entered the gamme grade (2).
Grade 2: Junior gamme (gamme didiko)
The transition ceremony by which the sons pass from
the dabballe into gamme grade is performed at the shrine of Nura, near the town
of Negelli. And shave the dabballes hair, where they will also give names to
their son(s). The naming ceremony of the oldest son is called Gubbisa, while
the naming ceremony of the other sons called Moggassa. The gamme hairstyle is
the head is shaved in the middle, and the rest is allowed to grow long, treated
with butter and curled.
Then calling them as “girl” will be corrected soon
as “boys” and they will start dressing like boys.
Grade 3: senior gamme (gamme gugurdo)
The shaven (gamme) part of the hair is smaller than
in the previous grade.
The oldest boys in the class are permitted to go on
war parties, cattle raids and hunting expeditions with older gada classes.
Cattle raids on Guji and Somali are more usual.
With the decline in intertribal wars, another source
of excitement has come to assume a progressively large role in the life of
Borana adolescents (gamme gugurdo). They call it ”fora”. It is the time when
young men take the family herds into the untamed river valleys.
At the beginning of grade 3 (gamme gugurdo) the
small clusters of age-mates begin to celebrate the ceremonies of “ harriyya
cuch”. Many of the “fora” youths return to their bands before the ceremonies
start. The whole procedure is repeated annually over a period of five years in
the senior gamme grade 3. This is done under age-set called harriyya, group of
people born in the same eight-year period. Hariyya system is different from the
Gada system (grade 3 gamme gugurdo). Here to participate in harriyya cuch
ceremony, one has not supposed to be gamme gurgurdo, gada class, what matter is
only your age.
During the last three years of grade3, the gamme they
(i.e. the gada class rather than the age-set) go through a ceremony that
closely resembles the hariyya cuch. Again local groups mobilize and go around
from camp to camp singing, feasting and collecting members of their class. The
ceremony is called wal’argi (to see each other) in the first year and nachisa
(feast) in the last two years.
The effect of the hariyya cuch, wal’argi and nachisa
ceremonies covering the entire eight-year period, is to make the members of the
senior gamme (and the age-sets associated with them) acutely aware of the
society-wide significance of their class and peer group.
The Cusoma will end with celebrations known as
“chinna”, which take place at a number of prescribed site in Borana, during
which a hayyu for each sit will be selected.
After chinna the ijolle cuchu will be known as a hariyya, which is based
on age, but which excludes the ilman korma, will eventually be named after the
hayyu selected at the chinna near the wells of Borbor, with a prefix which
either Wakor or Dambal.
The harriyya, which in effect are age-sets are not
localized, but members of the harriyya in a locality will meet every year to
perform a rite known as korma-korbeesa, which involves the ritual slaughtering
of a male goat. The localized hariyya perform the korma-korbeesa during three
gada periods and, as their ilman korma coevals hand over the gada
responsibilities to the next luba the harriyya performs a different rite called
the korbeesa yuuboma.
During eight-year period, the local age-set is
thereafter named informally after its local leader. In time the name of one of
these leaders wins out, and the entire age-set is thus named after him.
Age
sets in 1963 (Asmarom legesse)
|
Age - sets
|
Age
|
|
Wakor
Duba
|
12-19
|
|
Darar
Godana
|
20-27
|
|
Dambal
Bule
|
28-35
|
|
Wakor
liban
|
36-43
|
|
Dambal
Arero
|
44-51
|
|
Wakor
Sora
|
52-59
|
|
Dambal
Taddacha
|
60-67
|
|
Wakor
Dida
|
68-75
|
|
Udan
Bukko
|
76-83
|
|
Wakor
Mallu
|
84-91
|
The names Wakor,Dambala, and so on are the generic
designations of age-sets.The names Duba, Godana and, so on are the proper names
of the leaders.
Grade
4: Cusa, junior warriors
The gamme-cusa transition rites takes place at the
shrine of Dhaddacha Dhera in the vicinity of Arero. At this stage in the
ceremony all the boys in the class, including infants, were required to wear
shorts. At this place the father will shave the hair of his sons. On the
fourteenth day of the ceremony the cusa emerged from their isolation camp
wearing adult ceremonial customs and carrying whips (licho) to which they had
attached a small scepter (bokku).
The transition rite thus came to an end and the
"cusa" proceeded with the Lallaba ceremony, the grand event in which
the "election results" were announced to the assembled representatives
of all Borana clans.
What is expected
of one Borana leader?
- Good lineage
connection.
- Knowledge of
tradition (history and laws)
- Skill in
Arbitration.
An old
Borana story tells about a time when Oamora, a one-time strong leader, led the
tribe. In the course of time the Borana people felt themselves weighed down
under the burden of a prolonged authoritarian rule. The elders of the tribe met
to discuss the matter and reached agreement that they might do better under a
leader whose period of authority was limited to about eight years. Thus emerged
Gada- an elective rule, limited to a term of eight years. The office to which a
person is elected is not intended to feed his pride or to boast his power, but
to serve the community responsibly.
Popularity
with the people: - Popularity to the Borana, means the man is a good
“all round” person, a true Borana, one who does the right thing to and for the
people he represents within the pattern of their own lifestyle.
Given
to Hospitality:- The Borana prefer visitors in the rainy season because
they then have milk in abundance and can entertain more lavishly. But if quests
came at other times they would extend themselves to serve the visitors well,
even though they might be embarrassed because they were in short supply.
Patient,
within approved institutions: - Some cases may take
several years to be solved, depend on its difficulties, but all these things
are more important than time- a lesson that every Westerner who works with
people like the Borana has to learn. If one leader make a decision because of
lack of patience he will lose his office, and that will be bad reputation for
his lineage.
Balance
of generosity and skilful management: - The exchange
of cattle which accompany the Borana marriage are not so economically
burdensome as to create the crises that they do in some African tribes.
Military
skill: - Leadership in war belongs to the Gada
group and the age-sets have their elected leaders.
During lallaba ceremony, now six boys were elected.
These young men were invited in the lallaba ceremony as senior councilors
(adula). The highest office is that of the Abba Gada "arbora". He is
described as the "adula fite". The two seniority positions are held
by the councilors known as Abba Gada "kontoma". These two officers
always come from two specific clans from the two sub moieties of the Gona
moiety (Hawattu and Konnitu). The three most senior officers of the council are
collectively known as gada saden. The remaining three councilors are simply
adula hayyu. All the six-adula councilors are required to live and nomadize
together from now until the group subdivides sixteen years later. At that stage
the gada establishes three separate bands (one called olla Arbora and the other
two-called olla Kontoma). Each band must continue to operate as an indivisible
community for another thirteen years. Throughout this period no decision can be
made and no ritual performed without the participation and consent of all the
councilors. The adula councilors are assisted by a group of volunteers known as
"jalldhaba". The adula council in consultation with the elders of the
relevant borana clans does the selection of the jalldhaba.
The cusa, who usually cannot marry for a variety of
reasons, are allowed to keep mistresses. Their mistresses, can be only married
women, virgins are taboo.
Now at about 20 to 24 years of age many of the cusa
have mistresses.
During cusa period it is appropriate however for
them to search for wives, which they may marry when they enter Raba grade.
There is a period of two or three gada periods
between the time an individual was elected as leader of his luba (gada class)
and the time that he was invested into office as leader of all the people i.e.
of all the Gada classes. In Borana this period of testing was 21 years and the
leaders can be removed from office by the pan-Borana assembly, if they don’t
fit. In these period they are judged for their ability to lead in wars, their
patience in times of crisis, their wisdom and eloquence, their moral qualities,
their skills in mediating or adjudicating cases of conflict, and their
knowledge of law, custom, and historic precedent. In Western democracies there
is no mandatory period of testing for political leaders. Men and women who are
able speakers but have no political experience whatsoever can be elected to the
highest office.
Grade 5: Raba, senior warriors
As all persons cannot be warriors a man called
Yaayya Fulleele instituted raba. The raba is a age set group moving in a big
camp. The raba grade has mostly the defense responsibility. Therefore What ya’a
(assembly) decides, the harriyya executes (militarily or others).
Those men who are in the gada cycle and who are of
the appropriate age when they reach the raba grade are expected to marry.
The date of the marriage ceremony was set for the
month of Watabajji.
Borana say that any member of the adula council or
any one of the ritual experts or deputy councilors who is unable to get a wife
through the normal process of inter-lineage negotiation is allowed to pick a
wife then and there. The councilor simply declares his choice, and neither the
girl nor her family is allowed to turn him down.
The Gada asembly in the Raba grade
The major changes under raba grade the councilor may
have died or may have been removed from office (buqqisu). The elders of borana
clans and the leaders of the two moieties (qallu council) jointly retain the
authority to remove any adula councilor who fails to meet his numerous
ritual-political responsibilities.
The bokku is the most senior ritual leader and takes
precedence over the Abba Gada himself in all ritual activities.
Throughout the first eight years of the Raba grade,
the men are without children. Although they are allowed to marry in the
thirty-second year of the grade system, they can not raise their children until
the fortieth year. Any child born to the wives of the raba during that period
is known as gata and must be abandoned to the elements. Unlike all other grades, the raba grade lasts
thirteen years, not the usual eight years. The main significance of this
subdivision of the grade is that the junior (first eight years) are not allowed
to have any children whereas the senior raba (next five years) can have sons
but not daughters. Customs requires that the children of the junior raba and
the daughters of the senior raba be abandoned to die or give to Wata family.
But this is not any more.
Grade 6: Gada, the stage of political and
ritual leadership
The power take over (balli) occurs in the month of
gurrandhala in the forty-fifth year of the gada grade system. It is performed
at the shrine of Nura in the eastern corner of Boranaland. The most senior man
is referred to as Abba Gada "arbora" and the other two are Abba Gada
"kontoma" called collectively Gada Saden. Any Borana who is visited
by the Abba Gada is required to sacrifice livestock for him. Even impoverished
families kill small livestock to honor the leaders.
It is worth remembering that the two sub-moieties
(Hawattu and Konnitu) that establish their own gada assemblies are both from
the Gona moiety. The sabbo moiety has no special assembly. For two of the abba
gada Kontoma there is an additional junior council consisting of a number of
“hayyu medhicha” councilors, who represents all Borana clans and “hayyu garba”
representing the clan as the abba gada Kontoma himself.
The separation of the sub-moiety leaders (kontoma)
occurs when each kontoma asks the Abba Gada arbora to give him the right of
assembly. The Abba Gada grants this right. The Abba Gada konnitu then goes to a
place called Dambi Dolo near the town of Megga and the Abba Gada Hawattu goes
to Suruppa, near Yaaballo. It is only when the gada assembly goes to Liiban for
the Oda (gumi Gayyo) ceremony in the fourth year that the three assemblies come
together. In short, gada leadership is a variety of parliamentary government as
opposed to bureaucratic government.
The assembly as a whole is charged with the
responsibility of resolving major crisis between descent groups, clans or
camps.
The class is required to perform four major
ceremonies in the fourth and fifth years of the period. These ceremonies are
named Ginda, Gumi Gayyo, Oda and Muda.
The gumi Gayyo ceremony occurs in the fourth year of
the gada period, but it is a ceremony that concerns all Borana, not merely the
class in power. The "raba" and all the four-yuba classes are expected
to attend. It is important to stress, however, that gumi Gayyo is a pan-Borana
event. At el Gayyo.
At the time of the general transition rites
(dabbale-gamme, gamme-cusa, cusa-raba), in the third year of any gada period,
we find Borana undergoing a basic structural mutation as each class changes
grades. At that time the gada are
involved indirectly because their sons, the dabballe are having their naming
ceremony.
The circumcision and ear piercing is performed in
the shrine of Ejersa Gurura, near Nura. A cow will be sacrifice. The gada will
pick up the thorns of the "dhagamsa" trees and used them to pierce
their ears. The men also pierce the ears of their wives and of their
assistants. Before the circumcision, the womenfolk left the camp and the men
took baths in their huts. The operation was performed by anyone who had the
skill. The only men who had to be circumcised by experts were the three Abba
Gada. The Waata were charged with this responsibility "because no Borana
is allowed to spill the blood of an Abba Gada”. In the fifth year of the gada
period the class goes once again to the eastern district (Liiban) to perform
the muda ceremony.
Muda means, “to anoint”, and anointment symbolizes
gift giving. The ceremony is the occasion when the gada class in power makes an
offering to the ritual leaders of the moieties, the qallu of the Oditu and the
Karrayyu. In the last part of the ceremony the qallu puts on a lion skin mask
and releases the snakes he has brought along for the occasion.
Customary law prohibits the Gada leaders from
traveling beyond a defined perimeter within Dirre and Liban. The specific law
that constrains the movement of Gada councilors is known as Sera Dawwe or Sera
Goro.
The Abba Gada himself is subject to the same
punishment as all other Borana if he violates laws; same punishments. That is
the evidence that shows us that the law is above everybody, including the Abba
Gada.
In the very highest office, that of the Abba Gada,
it is more likely that the Gumi will use its power of cursing to punish the man
who violates his office and the curse. They say usually results in his death.
Abba Gada hinijjesan male, hinbuqqisan, yo inni seer balleesse. “The Abba Gada
is killed rather than being uprooted, if he broke the laws”.
A group of qualified elected officers’ wait on the
sideline always ready to take over responsibility from he deceased, disabled,
or uprooted officers. Occasionally, a close kinsman through the male line of
the missing leader may take the office.
Garba councilors are elected by one luba, to serve
with the next. One of the junior councils of the Gada institution, known as the
Garba council (hayyu garba) is elected by the outgoing government and serves
with the incoming government. This contributes to continuity from one Gada
assembly (ya’a) to the next and this may help to finish the unfinished job.
Grade, 7,8,9, & 10: Yuba, the
stage of partial retirement
Yuba stage covers twenty-seven years from 53-80.
Yuba1 (3yrs), Yuba2 (8yrs), Yuba3 (8yrs), Yuba4 (8yrs)
Youba are retired and they retain advisory
authority.
The most important residual responsibility of the
retired gada class (Yuba) is to oversee the political and military activities
of the luba in power. The retired Abba Gada who oversee the national convention
are called Abbotin Gada “the Gada fathers” in contrast to the “Abba Gada
Qomiccha” who is in power and whose performance is under review.
Grade 11: Gada Mojji, the terminal
sacred grade.
It was deemed essential that people should retire
also. This is called gadammojji. Oolee Bonayya was a man who came up with the
idea.
In Borana the very young and very old holds ritual
power, whereas the middle generation holds political power.
Henceforth, the gada mojji cannot carry arms, they
cannot kill any living creatures, and they are required to use a ritual argot.
People seek their blessing and wherever they go they are given food and
shelter. Men and women come to them to refuge from misfortune enemies, or angry
kinsmen.
For the benefit of Christians the gada mojji
describe themselves as "monks" and the analogy is not farfetched. The
transition rite is known as the rite of incense exchange (qumbi walirrafudhu).
The men who are leaving the "gada mojji" grade are the fathers of the
gada, the class in power.
At this stage, the members of the gada class enjoy
great respect as ritual leaders of their society but they are deprived of
nearly all-secular political and economic power. In the earlier decades of this
century they did not only hand over all political authority, and the symbol of
active luba membership called the “Kallaccha “, they also handed over all their
earthly possessions to their sons at the point when the sons were entering the
period of fatherhood and the final stage of senior warriorhood. On that
occasion, the luba comes together for one final ritual called qumbi
wal-irra-fudhani or “the handing over of incense”. The peer group gathers in
and around the ceremonial pavilions called “galma” constructed for each one of
the retiring elders. Inside the pavilions, surrounded by their age mates, the
old men recite all their accomplishments to their sons, in a tense ceremony in
which they are judged harshly for failing to distinguish themselves as warriors
and hunters.
These men, who were about to go into final
retirement, surpassingly celebrated the event by marring off one of their
members. The man who married on this occasion was carefully selected by the
gada mojji and by their sons, the gada.
It turned out that the man whom they had selected to
marry the "gessitti" was by far the most accomplished warrior.
For those who had nothing to recite, the ritual was
a deeply humiliating experience.
They will recite (dhadu) about what they have
killed.
The outgoing class shaved their elaborately
decorated hair and went into final retirement while the incoming class tied the
“kallacha” headgear on their foreheads and entered the sacred state.
The weakness
of Gada system
The fundamental rule in Gada grade is that father
and sons must always be 40 years or five grades apart, regardless of the age of
the father or of his sons.
For example: let say the father had had his first
son at age 40 then automatically the son will be in dabballe grade. And let say
again the father had had his second son at age 56 then this boy will enter
gamme grade 3 on the 16th year of the cycle and joins his brother in the same
grade. Let say again the father had had his last son at age 72 that means the
infant will enter raba grade and he can marry at any time.
We now follow the infant who was born into the 32nd
year of the cycle. This infant will be 56 years old when he completes the gada
cycle. If he has a son at that time, the son will become a member of the class
in power (gada, 6) at birth. The other members of his class will treat him as
an equal. If is worth remembering that if a man has a son when he is in the
20th class, the son enters the 15th class at birth. Such a man, his sons and
all his descendants are perpetually retired they are Ilman jarsa.
Only males are involved in the Gada system. Females
have peripheral membership in the gada class of their husbands. A man is
credited with any children born to his wives. A wife may have sexual relations
with any member of her husband's class.
Gumi Gayyo
Gayyo is a locality as well as one of the nine “tulaas” (deep, permanent water wells). It is
about 33 km on the way to Negelle Borana after the salt crater.
According to the elders and the informants, prior to
the formation of the gada customary law (aada) conflicts used to be set right
by mutual understandings, blessing and forgiveness. But, as population and
crimes increased, many cases became difficult to get final resolution by
blessing alone. Many people became reluctant to forgive everything and,
therefore, demand for equal compensation for equal loses became imperative.
Serious crimes and offences of all sorts expanded. Offenders became disobedient
to elders and refused to appear when summoned to face charges.
A man called Gadao Galgalo Yaayya was appointed to
be the first abba gada and ruled the Oromo nation for eight years. But he was
not able to give commands, as no one was responsible to any one else. There
were rewards for good achievements but no concrete seera (law) for referral to
correct or punish wrong doers (Borbor Bulee, ref. Gollo Huqqa, 1996). A man
called Daawwe Gobboo systematically formulated the seera for all the Oromos.
Later, after the dispersion of the Oromos in many directions he was the one who
decided to hold one pan- Borana assembly once in every presidential period.
This he fixed to be on fourth year of the eight-year period. The Oromos in the
neighborhood –Arsi and Gujii – have been sending their delegates to the Gumi
Gayyo Assembly. He laid down seera for everything at the place called Doloollo
Makkala, about three kilometers south of Megga. The seera of marriage,
livestock, water wells, pasture, wildlife, trees, bees and even ants. He set
various disciplines when holding meetings. For instance, a meeting attendant
should only speak when allowed. All meeting should start with prayer and
blessing (Borbor Bulee, ref. Gollo Huqqa, 1996)
Before the formal proceedings of the Assembly
commence the following are blessed the tree shadow (Assembly itself), the
livestock, women and children, before starting the agenda. Rainfall, pasture,
peace and stability should be prayed for before beginning the discussion.
During the discussion no one is allowed to stand and
talk, craft wood or scratch the ground. But, everyone should sit in a manner,
which does not draw the attention of participants away. Each of the seera
violation corresponds with a certain disciplinary action commensurate with that
violation.
The pan-Borana meeting at the well of Gayo is an
event that brings together almost every important leader. Gumi Gayyo is by far
the most inclusive event in Borana political life. They think of it as the
assembly with the highest degree of political authority. It is interesting to
learn that this body, which holds the ultimate authority, is neither the gada
assembly nor the Qallu councils. It is rather the assembled representatives of
the entire society in conjunction with any individual who has the initiative to
come to the ceremonial grounds. In their idiom it is gumi (the multitude) which
sits in judgement. In theory any individual has a right to attend, to take full
part in the delibrations, and to bring any matter to the attention of the gumi.
In part the meeting was dedicated to introducing new
rules believed to be binding on all Borana.
It is important to stress, however that their
deliberation concern law regulation of resources rather than the structure of
society.
It is only at Gumi Gayo meeting that the laws can be
changed or new things added to it.
The most important meeting involving the largest
number of people from the clans is known as the kora debanu (meeting about
wealth). Only the most serious and intricate cases affecting the clan members
reach this meeting, which also is the ultimate arbiter within the clans in
matters of compensations and public collection of animals to assist or restock
unfortunate members of the clan. Only cases of extraordinary complexity and
importance will be passed on to the ultimate high court of Borana society the
gumi Gayyo.
“To see the Abba Gada lead the gathering of Borana
every morning before daybreak to a place where they sit down with everyone
facing the east as the sun rises and together pray to Waqa for help to do what
is right, is very moving at Gumi Gayo assembly”, Gunnar Kjaerland.
On a higher level, when the Borana know that there
are things of importance for the society at stake, they are very careful to see
that both the Sabbo and the Gonaa groups are equally represented, if not the
case will not be handled.
Women participate in political activities indirectly
through their song called Karile.
The national assembly, Gumi is made up of all the
assemblies and councils of the Oromo, who meet in the middle of the gada
period, once every eight years, to review the laws, to make new laws, to
evaluate the men in power, and to resolve major conflicts that could not be
resolved at lower levels of their judicial organization. All the sectoral
assemblies of the clans, moieties and age-sets are allowed to attend the
general assembly and bring their proposals to the pre-Gumi meetings. However,
only the Gada assemblies are there as active participants and take part in the
legislative debates. One prospective gada, one active and three retired gada
are present. All these have important roles to play in the proceedings. Key
positions are reserved for the Abba Gada in power and for all the living
semi-retired Abba Gadas i.e. those in the Yuba grades. The Abba Gada in power
serves as the presiding councilor under normal circumstances and holds the
power of “cutting” the debates and formulating the emergent propositions. When
the Abba Gada in power and his council are under review, however, one of the
retired Abba Gadas takes over as the presiding Gada councilor. Seniority and
competence select him.
Women’s mostly do not participate in political
activities along side with the men, but instead they participate in political
activities indirectly through their song called karile. Here in their song they
use to criticize the poor decisions made by men. By doing this they can force
them to change their less honorable decisions.
The people carry their spears when they go to the
Gumi and Lallaba. They do not carry weapons when they go to the rituals such as
the Muda, or the anointment of the Qallu, or Dannisa, the fatherhood “ceremony”
of the warriors- they carry ritual objects instead. They say Gumi is a place of
war not ritual.
Hariyya
(military force)
The biggest encountered war between Guji and Borana
in recent history was in 1946. It is known as the Oditu war because settlements
of the Oditu clan and their Qallu suffered the heaviest losses. The Abba Gada
in power, Guyyo Boru, was at the time too far away to be personally involved in
the campaign.
The most successful war waged by the Borana in
recent times is known as the war of Madha Galma, because he himself brought the
warriors together and personally led the campaign in 1952.
The decision to engage in war was made by gada
assemblies (Ya'a arbora)
The top military leadership (Abba Duula) came from
the gada classes.
The actual fighting force, however, was drawn from
age sets (Harriyya).
The most relevant age set is the group that is
described as the barbara of the gada leaders. It consists of the oldest age
group in gada classes who are empowered to mobilize all the members of their
age set. The core group-made up of people who belong to the same gada class and
the same age set- is the group that is known as "barbara". It is the
group that helps the gada leaders to mobilize the entire age set, not merely
the part of the age set that belongs to their gada class. Thus when the Borana
speak of "barbara Gobba Bule", it means the groups that belong to the
same gada class and the same age set as the Abba Gada Gobba Bule.
Normally age-set leaders (hayyu hariyya) are engaged
in organizing and overseeing social activities of the members but they may be
called upon to mobilize the age-set in case of war. Once mobilized, the age-set
(harriyya) or the part of it that was mobilized becomes an age-regiment
(ch'ibra). Each age-regiment is then headed by a temporary leader who is
referred to as the abba ch'ibra (regimental leader) or abba arch'umme (baton
chief). The former leads the regiment in responsibilities in maintaining
discipline in the fighting unit, in prodding laggards or punishing cowards. All
regimental leaders and baton chiefs are under the direct command of the abba
duula or chief of war.
It is often the case that the age-set leaders are
only heads of one or two individual regiments and that the military
organization as a whole is headed by an Abba Duula or "war chief"
often drawn from the senior warrior grade (raba) or the ruling grade (Gada ).
The army of Emperor Menelik against which the Arsi
fought for so long is, in all probability, the largest military force ever
assembled by an indigenous African state during the colonial era, albeit with
substantial assistance from the European colonial powers who armed it to
advance their own economic and political interests.
The age-set system (hariyya) is a supportive
organization under the authority of the Gada assemblies: it is organized
strictly on the basis of age and has nothing to do with genealogical
generations. Age-sets and gada classes are crosscutting social categories: one
is not a sub-set of the other. Age-sets have their own councilors (hayyu
hariyya) who lead the group in time of peace and their own elected regimental
leaders (abba ch’ibra or abba arch’umme) who lead them in war.
“Age-set” (hariyya) is the generic term we use to
refer to the age organization as a whole. Its full domain includes ritual and
social activities in addition to their critical military function. The phrase
“age-regiment” (ch’ibra) refers to the age-set specifically re-organized for
warfare, is subordinated to Gada.
Makabasa
Makabasa (nicknames) are another way of remembering
histories or Gada chronologies like gogessa. Makabasa refers to the cycle of
seven nicknames: - Fullasa, Mardida, Darara, Libasa, Sabbaqa, Moggaasa and
Makula.
The Makabasa pass from father to son. Mardida is
born to Liibasa, Libasa is born to Moggaasa, Moggassa is born to Fullasa,
Fullasa is born to Darara, Darara is born to Sabbaqa, Sabbaqa is born to
Makula, Makula is born to Mardida.
Other way of using Makabasa, to trace down Gada chronology
is that to remember always the chronology of Makabasa itself. This means if we
start for example with Fullasa then comes Mardiida and follows Darara,
Libasa,Sabbaqa, Moggassa and Makula. The recent abba Gada Liiban Jaldessa
Liiban's makabasa (nickname) is Moggisa, which means the next Abba Gada will be
automatically Makula then Fullasa, Mardiida, Darara, Libasa and Sabbaqa. Then
will comes again Moggisa after 56 years, and so on.
Conclusion
In its classic form the Oromo polity was organized
as four principal institutions. These are the generational organization (Gada),
the dual organization (Qallu), the military organization (Hariyya) and the
national assembly (Gumi). Of the four institutions, the most important is the national
assembly known as Gumi.
The major difference between Gada and Qallu is that:
Gada is elected body and has authority over all Borana for a limited period of
time, while the Qallu is hereditary, has authority over half of Borana, but
they stay in office for life.
The structure of these four Oromo polity is; Gada
and Qallu are co-ordinate institutions and are both subordinated to the
authority of Gumi, the national assembly. The age-set system is subordinated to
the Gada system and performs it’s most important military functions under the
authority of particular Gada leaders who have been elected to lead the
age-regiments in particular military activities especially in national
campaigns.
The people can appeal a case of conflict to the
Qallu council or the Gada council. The Qallu have adjudicative and mediating
responsibilities over the moieties, clans and lineages. Each, in his own
sphere, has the authority to resolve conflict. The Abba Gada also have similar
responsibility to mediate or adjudicate conflict between members of their own
luba or between different luba but not within another luba.
But what makes difference is that, the more unjust
or incompetent the leaders are, the less likely that the cases of conflict will
come before them. This means the power can shift to one side.
